ARTICLES

 
Spanish affairs: the debacle at Coruna
After leaving Astorga on 30 and 31 December, Moore and his troops made for Coruna via the main road, with General Paget, in command of the 'reserve division', and one regiment of hussars (the 15th), offering cover for the retreating army. The French army under Soult had no difficulty in following the English retreat; all along the route lay strewn draught animals that had perished, abandoned wagons and sick and dying soldiers. British morale deteriorated rapidly, particularly after the departure from Astorga, and there were numerous incidents of pillaging, drunkenness and marauding. Paget and his rearguard engaged the French pursuers at Cacabellos on 3 January, where the French officer Colbert was killed, before continuing the retreat under the cover of darkness. Food reserves at Villafranca were burned and destroyed, and the route was lined with dead horses that had lost their shoes in the march and had been shot on the spot by their riders. On 5 January, and on the orders of Moore himself, the entire army marched for 36 hours straight in the rush to reach Coruna. The retreating army was in such a terrible state that Moore was forced to halt at Lugo to allow the straggling soldiers to catch up. The position at Lugo was strong and defensible, and Soult was unwilling to launch an all-out attack without reinforcements. As a result, Moore took the decision to continue the retreat while Soult waited for his support to arrive. 500 foundered cavalry and artillery horses were shot, remaining food stores were burned, and wagons were destroyed. On the night of 8/9 January, the British troops left Lugo; in torrential rain, many of the soldiers lost their way and became separated from the main retreat. Finally, the main body reached Coruna on 11 January, only to find that the evacuation fleet sailing from Vigo that Moore had requested had been delayed. Eventually the transport ships arrived into port on 14 January and the evacuation process began. Over 2,000 horses and draught animals that were considered unfit for travel were destroyed and any munitions and armaments that could not be used immediately were blown up. About 15,000 soldiers remained to fight a defensive action against Soult and his advancing troops.
 
Spanish affairs: the Battle of Coruna and the death of Sir John Moore
Having finally reached Coruna on 11 January, the evacuation of the British
army was delayed due to the late arrival of the fleet from Vigo. Sir John
Moore and his force of 15,000 men remained to face the advancing French
troops under Soult. Rather than negotiate with Soult to give up Coruna and
secure a safe evacuation for the army, Moore chose to stand and fight. The
15,000 soldiers that remained were healthy veterans, well-fed and rested
after their march and re-armed, having taken advantage of the reserves in
Coruna. Moore saw in the coming action the opportunity to recover a little
of the pride and respect that had been lost in the army's retreat across
Spain. The troops were stationed along the Monte Moro ridge just two miles
from the walls of Coruna, with a number of troops held back as flank-guards
to protect the wing. On 15 January, and after a few skirmishes, Soult seized
the Palavea and Penasquedo heights. The Battle of Coruna took place on 16
January. The fighting was at its fiercest around the village of Elvina,
which was retaken by Major Charles Napier and the 50th regiment despite heavy
French bombardement. Napier was wounded in the resulting French advance and
his troops were driven out by Mermet's reserves. Moore in turn brought up
his reserves, which successfully held the heights; it was during this attack
that Moore was struck by a cannon-ball, mortally wounding him. He was
transported back to Coruna, where he died later that evening. His reputed
final words were "I hope the people of England will be satisfied! I hope my
country will do me justice!" Despite Moore's death, the English troops held
the French off until evening, and the battle ground to a halt. Many of the
English troops boarded the transport ships on the evening of the battle, and
by 18 January, the English forces had set sail for home. A Spanish garrison
remained in Coruna but the governor swiftly surrendered to the French forces
on 18. Moore was buried on 17 January in the ramparts of Coruna, a moment
that is remembered by Charles Wolfe in the poem Burial of Sir John Moore,
1809. On 16 January 2004, the British ambassador unveiled a bronze bust of
Moore in the garden where he is buried.
 
Europe, as seen by Napoleon, at the start of 1809
“Mon frère, I received your letter of 4 January and the pamphlet extract which was attached. It is just one of the thousand and one libels that England finances in order to disrupt the continent. They have been doing the same thing for fifteen years, and it no longer has any effect. The author of this libel is a nobody. Nevertheless, you will do well to stop the circulation of this pamphlet in your states.
 
The affairs in Spain are finished. Not only does Italy not want to stir things up, but she has also provided us with 80,000 men, and the emperor of Austria, should he make the slightest hostile move, will soon cease to reign. [...] With regards to Russia, never have we been better together." (Letter from Napoleon to Jerome Napoleon, King of Westphalia dated 16 January 1809)
 
Napoleon's removal of the Bourbons from the thrown of Spain had sent shockwaves through Austria, convincing the Austrian foreign minister, Johann Philipp Stadion, that Napoleon intended to do the same in Austria and that war between Austria and France was inevitable. Looking to exploit the situation in Spain that was dragging on through the summer and autumn of 1808, Stadion and those in favour of an offensive war with France grew in strength and support. Only the start date of the impending conflict remained in doubt. In Spain, Joseph Bonaparte was back installed in Madrid and the British army which had attempted to come to the aid of the Spanish armies had been driven out, the commander in chief, Sir John Moore, having been killed at Coruña.
 
Despite Napoleon's apparent confidence regarding Franco-Russian relations, the relationship was becoming slightly strained. It had been Napoleon's intention that the Meeting at Erfurt in October 1808 between Russia and France consolidate their relationship and secure a Russian alliance against Austria. This, however, was not achieved and indeed Austria and Russia were brought closer together through the efforts of Talleyrand. Despite Napoleon's best efforts to keep the Russian tsar's eyes on Austria, no clear, anti-Austrian alliance was forthcoming.
 
The situation in Prussia had also been discussed at Erfurt; a treaty between the German state and France had been signed on 8 September 1808, and reparations had been set in exchange for French evacuation, with the exception of three key sites on the Oder: Glogau, Stettin and Küstrin. Napoleon argued that if a Russian alliance against Austria could not be obtained, then these sites would be key to protecting France from any Austrian aggression and would thus remain in French control. A secret article also limited Prussia to an army of no more than 42,000 troops.
 
As for the Italian peninsular, relations with the Holy See remained a major sticking point. In 1808, Napoleon had ordered troops into Rome under the command of General Miollis and had begun dismantling the Papal States (see March and April 1808 in our end-of-year 1808 timeline for more details). In September of the same year, after attempting to expel Cardinal Pacca from Rome, French officers were banned from entering the Pope's residence on the Quirinal Hill. On 1 January 1809, Miollis' request to pay homage to the Pope was refused, and on the same day Napoleon wrote to Champagny detailing how he and the other kingdoms that he had set up would no longer accept the candles blessed by the Pope.
 
The only negative result (not mentioned in this brief new year report) was Portugal. French presence there had ended following the defeat at Vimeiro on 21 August 1808 and the convention of Sintra on 30 August 1808. The convention had been very favorable to French forces (it had ensured the complete evacuation of French troops) and was highly criticised in Britain for turning what was a complete French defeat into an escape for Junot and his French soldiers.

Society: the Carnaval de Paris
The Carnaval de Paris, a Parisian tradition since the 16th century, was much more than a Mardi Gras celebration, comprising balls, feasts and parades, and often began soon after Epiphany, lasting until Ash Wednesday. During the Revolution, it had been suppressed as much for practical reasons as for ideological reasons. As well as the religious implications of the carnival, it was also banned for fear that an abundance of costumes and masks would be too much of an opportunity for conspirators and troublemakers. Joseph Fouché, Napoleon's Minister of Police, was still highly suspicious of the carnival, and only reluctantly agreed in 1801 to such festivities taking place, provided that they did not offend public decency and that there were no political allusions. Masks, however, were still banned in public, until 1802. Nevertheless, the Carnival remained tightly monitored and policed, and any individual wishing to participate in the festivities was made aware of what was expected of them. An article, published in the Moniteur from 4 February 1809, contained the following warning to would-be revellers:
 
"A police ordinance, concerning [the wearing of] masks during the Carnival, contains the following measures:
 
Any individual who, during the Carnival, is present in the streets, squares or public walkways, masked, disguised or dressed-up, may carry no sword, staff nor any other arm.
 
No-one is to wear a disguise of such a nature that it may disturb the public order.
It is forbidden for all persons masked, disguised or dressed-up, and for any other individuals, to insult anyone, to participate in any attack, or to gain entry by violence in any shops and houses.
 
It is equally forbidden for any individual to provoke or insult masked, disguised or dressed-up persons.
 
Any person masked, disguised or dressed-up, invited by a police officer to follow him, must present himself immediately at the nearest police station to offer any explanations that may be demanded.
 
Those contravening the above measures will be arrested and taken to the Police prefecture, where such administrative measures as deemed necessary will be taken in their regard, without prejudice to the proceedings to be pursued in court, as much against them, as against the fathers and mothers, and others legally responsible, according to the law.
 
The present ordinance will be printed, published and displayed in Paris.
The commissaires de police, the inspecteur-général of the 3e arrondissement de la police générale de l'Empire, officiers de paix and the police prefecture officials, are given the responsibility, as far as each one is concerned, to ensure [the ordinance's] execution." [Le Moniteur universel, 4 February 1809]
 
Arts: the premiere of Mozart's Cosi Fan Tutti
The French premiere of Cosi Fan Tutti, Mozart's celebrated opera buffa, took place on 1 February 1809. The response was, on the whole, positive:
 
"Whatever preconceptions one had of the opera's music, it surpassed the expectations of the audience. I have no fear in saying that never have such harmonious sounds been heard at the Opera Buffa. Mozart's music electrified everyone, a sort of enchantment took hold of those assembled; an utter silence reigned, so afraid was everyone of missing even one of the exquisite sounds that reached the ear, and it was only broken by exclamations and by murmurs of approval [...]" [Affiches, annonces et avis divers ou Journal général de France, 3 February 1809]
 
A few days later, on 6 February 1809, the Journal de l'Empire printed a review, this time of the second performance, which took place at the Théâtre de l'Impératrice on 4 February 1809. The author of the review in the Journal was however less effusive in his praise:
 
"One would be more willing to celebrate Mozart if the composer was not the object of such extraordinary enthusiasm: praise that is entirely just and reasonable appears cold compared to the exuberant passion of blind admiration; these fanatics exhaust our most brilliant, our strongest expressions [of praise] and leave nothing for the reasoned admirers and the thoughtful connoisseurs, who are embarrassed to echo the multitude in employing such epithets as "exquisite", "enchanting" and "divine". [...] [W]e are more inclined to evoke the flaws [in Mozart's work] which are not recognised nearly enough, than to remark on the merits that have been already praised beyond what is just [...]
 
Mozart has appeared at a time when the harmony's revolt against the melody has thrown the musical empire into disorder [...] We have begun to stupify the soul in accustoming the ear to noise; we have fortified the orchestra to the detriment of the voice; song has been overwhelmed by the cortege, originally meant as mere accompaniment and support. [...]
 
If Mozart had been born with a true sense of his art, he would have been opposed to this abasive and destructive revolution that has merely contributed to the mediocre's corruption of the listeners' taste with seductive yet dangerous novelties. He has chosen instead to profit from this revolution and constitute his glory on [this] corruption [...]" [Journal de l'Empire, 6 February 1809]
 
The Confederation of the Rhine and the insidious influence of Austria
On 15 February, 1809, Napoleon had a round robin (lettre circulaire) sent to all the princes of the Confederation of the Rhine. This group of southern and western German territories was of key importance in the context of the coming conflict with Austria. Any French army in Austria would have these lands between them and France. It was crucial that they remained allies and that any subversive behaviour was nipped in the bud. This letter makes clear to the Princes of these territories that the engagements they made to France when they joined the Rhine confederation were to remain legally binding. And with French troops on Austrian soil, nothing was to be left to chance.
 
"Monsieur mon Frère, the states of the Confederation of the Rhine are not at all peaceful. They are continuously troubled by their richest landowners, who have remained in Austria's ranks, devoted to this power which, despite attempts to disguise its intentions, must be considered no less of an enemy to the Confederation, and indeed its sole enemy. These men, whose interests are opposed to those of the Confederation, do it great damage in numerous ways. Their influence spreads a heavy disquiet, corrupting and leading astray the public spirit, and sowing the seeds of division and unrest. [...] It is in every confederated state's interest, as pressing as it is obvious, to put an end to this evil, and France, united with the Confederation by so many bonds, is no less concerned. I wish that Your Highness, and by His example and His invitation, the confederated grand-dukes and princes, issue an ordonnance, obliging all those who have property in their states, and who are in the service of any power foreign to the Confederation, to return to their homeland within three months. This ordonnance may be prompted by the meaures in the Acte de Confédération, which are clear. For, as well as article 31 which requires princes and counts who have ceased to reign, as well as their successors, to reside within the territory of the Confederation or of its allies, the confederated princes may not, according to article 7, take service of any kind with any power foreign to the Confederation, for their subjects, in this respect, would not dispose of any liberty that should be equally lacking to their sovereigns. [...] If, in the thirty days that follow the publication of this ordonnance, the individuals thus concerned have not made it known that they intend to return, their assets will be sequestered, and, if after three months, the individuals have not returned, these will be confiscated. I do not doubt that Your Highness and the confederated grand-dukes and princes will show themselves willing, and even eager, to issue such an ordonnance, in consideration of the welcome effects that it should necessarily produce."
 
For further details on the Confederation of the Rhine, visit our close-up.

Napoleon attacks Austria's purse-strings
Austria and France continued to move ever-closer to war, and Napoleon pursued his tactics of dismantling support for Francis I on the continent. Targetting those involved financially, he wrote to the Comte de Champagny on 21 February 1809: "Monsieur de Champagny, have printed in the newspapers of Holland that, if Austria makes war, the money that the capitalists on the continent have lent her will be lost and will be in no way reimbursed. Have printed in the newspapers of Germany and of Paris articles of this nature, making it known to what the capitalists in the states of the Confederation of the Rhine are exposing themselves if they have business with Austria." [Letter from Napoleon to the Comte de Champagny dated 21 February 1809] A similar note was dispatched to Napoleon's brother Louis, king of Holland, informing him of the necessity of circulating "the most unfavourable rumours regarding [the Hapsburg] House" and upsetting, as much as possible, the Austrian Empire's financial dealings.

Trieste, a town to the north of Italy that nevertheless remained part of the Austrian Empire, was also singled out by Napoleon in a letter to Eugene Napoleon, viceroy of Italy, dated the same day: "Mon Fils, it appears that Austria wants war; if she wants it, she will have it. Have printed in your newspapers that the town of Trieste has already been conquered twice; that, if she is a third time, she will regret the insults to which she has subjected the French people. Disrupt, as much as possible, business between Trieste and Italy; impede any exchange of capital, and make it known the imminent losses that the capitalists risk in dealing with or lending money to Austria." [Letter from Napoleon to Eugene Napoleon, viceroy of Italy dated 21 February 1809]

Spanish affairs: the fall of Zaragoza
The capture of the Aragonese capital, situated on the right bank of the Ebro (except for a suburb on the left bank), was essential in consolidating the conquest of eastern Spain. Despite modest fortifications, the town was made up of huge houses and convents which served as small fortresses during the siege. In actual fact, two sieges were needed to capture the town, the first of which taking place between 2 July and 15 August 1808. This was led by General Verdier, then General Lefebvre-Desnouettes, but had to be abandonned after the French defeat at Bailén. The second siege, which began on 21 December 1808 and lasted until 21 February 1809, was directed by the Maréchal Mortier and Maréchal Moncey (the latter being replaced by Junot) until Maréchal Lannes finally took over in mid-January 1809. General José Palafox, in charge of the Spanish forces, had profited from the interruption in August to fortify and reinforce the town. However, typhus had begun to set it, weakening the population and killing hundreds every day. From 27 January, French forces began moving through the town, entering from the south and taking hold of the Santa Engracia, Del Cazas and Capuchin convents. On 18 February, French troops under General Gazan captured the suburb on the left bank as well as the connecting bridge, a severe blow to the Spanish resistance. On 21 February, the town surrendered. On 26 February, Joseph, king of Spain, having just been informed of the capitulation the day before, wrote to Napoleon to inform him of the news. French losses were estimated at 3000 dead and 5000 injured, whilst on the Spanish side, roughly 54,000 people lost their lives.

 
Arts: gig-going, 19th-century style
The Moniteur Universel, dated Monday 27 February, 1809, announced a concert for the same evening organised by the gifted nineteen-year-old harpist, Casimir Baecker, the adopted son of the similarly expert harpist, Madame de Genlis. It was to be held at the Odéon, Théâtre de l'Impératrice. Casimir (his stage name) was famed for having mastered the difficult art of playing harmonics on the harp (called "sons harmoniques" in the concert programme). Regardless of the fact that one critic, writing about the concert three days later (in the Courrier de l'Europe et des spectacles, 1 March, 1809), found these harmonics gimmicky and that they gave a "dampened" and slightly effeminate sound, large numbers came to the event. As was typical of the period, this instrumental concert was a mix of various genres (vocal, orchestral, and chamber music), something which we today find surprising. It opened with a symphony played by full orchestra (in this case, the Orchestra des Bouffons), followed by a duet with orchestra accompaniment by Paisiello (Nei tuoi giorni felici) performed by Monsieur Garcia and Madame Bereyter (the critic in the Courrier bemoaned the loudness of the orchestra which somewhat swamped the soloists). Next came a harp duet (composed by Casimir and performed by the composer and Isidore Corsin), then a bassoon concerto (again with full orchestra), both written and performed by François Gebauer. The first half finished with a piano sonata by Boccherini played by Casimir on the harp (with the obligatory harmonics). The audience greatly appreciated the bassoon concerto, applauding loudly at the end of every solo (rather like audiences applaud the breaks in jazz concerts today). The second half started with a Symphonia concertante by the popular contemporary composer Catel with three soloists (Flute, Horn and Bassoon). A Scene by Cimarosa followed (sung by Mademoiselle Doyen), and the next piece was a horn and harp duet written by Gardon. This surprising combination of instruments was a repeat of the charming moment in the Crucifixus and Et resurrexit movements of the Credo of the 1804 coronation mass, set by Paisiello for soprano, harp and horn. The concert ended with a Scene and Polonaise by Signor Coccia sung again by Mademoiselle Doyen (the Courrier critic complained about her poor Italian accent), and another piano sonata by Boccherini played on the harp (with the ever-present harmonics) by Casimir. According to the critic of the Courrier, the concert was a huge success. As proof, he cited the fact that no one left before the end! He did however also note that the ticket prices were a bit steep (from 3-12 francs). Many was the virtuoso, he warned darkly, who had fallen foul of making the cost of going to the concert too exorbitant and so ruining his chances of financial success.
 
Sources:
Le Moniteur Universel, February 1809
Paul AUBERT, online article "Madame de Genlis et Casimir Baecker à Mantes",
Jean MONGREDIEN, Le Théâtre-Italien de Paris, 1801-1831. Chronologie et documents, Avec la collaboration de Marie-Hélène Coudroy-Saghai, Lyon: Symétrie, 2008, vol. 3, p. 32-34