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The Times, 26 May 1859
"But there is another part of the Empire where, according to some
reports, misdeeds are being dreamed up. In Europe, Christians
are opposed to Moslems, and peoples are inflamed; in Africa, the
excitement is confined to a palace, and it is ambition which is
aflame in the heart of a Pasha. One might say that the Viceroy
of Egypt is to be suspected of wanting to ease the bonds of his
allegiance a littl, and that his hopes are founded on that great
champion of the oppressed, the French Emperor. Said Pasha has
surrounded himself with even more French counsellors than usual,
by whom he is informed that it is the right of noble men to trample
under foot treaties which render a province dependent upon a central
authority. The result of this advice is a scarcely concealed desire
to take advantage of any disturbance which might arise in Turkey
with the aim of winning, if not independence, at least a greater
share of power. French influence reigns supreme at the moment,
and M. de Lesseps, whose project is nothing less than prohibited,
has permission to spend the capital of his shareholders, such
as it is, to begin work on one of his gigantic breakwaters in
the Mediterranean.
Although there is no doubt that France has always wanted to compete
with our country in Egypt, where the ambition of its governments
has suffered two such significant defeats, and although it would
willingly seek to make the Viceroy independent of the Porte, if
it could substitute its own patronage in its place, nonetheless
we permit ourselves to view the intrigues of this ignorant prince
in charge of Cairo without the slightest alarm. We wish to God
that the only dangers for Turkey and ourselves were those which
could be plotted on the banks of the Nile! We care little about
what French adventurers might do in the service of Egypt, because
we know that in this matter England will not tolerate being trifled
with for one moment. The British have no desire at all to take
up positions in the service of the Viceroy. They have absolutely
none of the pliability required of men who want to work their
way into the favour of an oriental prince. They are not people
to forget the customs and moral character of their country.
However Egypt's subjection to the Porte and the complete exclusion
of any illegitimate European influence is a topic of vital importance
to us, and we can say that the labours of several years have now
been crowned with success. We have completed our communications
with India; we have built our railway line from Alexandria to
Suez, which de Lesseps's canal was originally intended to disrupt;
as we write, telegraph facilities have been installed all along
the Red Sea; we have agreed the arrangements for transporting
troops across the isthmus to India; and we have to acknowledge
that in these undertakings the viceroys have exhibited a great
deal of common sense and moderation. Such are the solid foundations
of British influence; while we have all these, the scheming and
braggadocio of our continental rivals can only bear paltry fruit.
The Pasha knows how much he stands to gain with us; it is the
British who back the railway line, which largely belongs to him;
and the steamers which frequent the port of Suez will soon rival
those which cross the Atlantic in terms of size and number. No
other nation has a sum of resources comparable to the above, and
none other can award similar profits to a princely ally. Furthermore,
the slightest sign of inclination to withdraw from the treaty
of 1840 would unleash the full weight of British might on the
Viceroy. We hold Malta and Corfu on one side, and Bombay and Aden
on the other, and flotillas and armies would converge from these
two opposite points to bring an ambitious government back to reason.
The opinions attributed to Saïd-Pasha are not at all likely to
persist in the face of the unrest which would naturally arise
from a sudden upheaval in Europe."
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